Man B Bk, PhD

Nepal is a country of diversity with Dalits, indigenous people and aboriginal communities who have their own cultures, traditional knowledge, skills and occupations. In fact, around the world, these are the drivers of human civilizations over ages, inventing weapons, agricultural equipment, clothing, housing, health healing and even the community-ruling mechanisms. Certain occupations have specific ritual, ceremonial or spiritual dimensions or functions. Sadly, in Nepal, many of these traditional skills and knowledge are under threat and disappearing. So, Nepal being rich in native knowledge, skills and culture an institution named 'Native Arts and Heritage Academy Nepal' has been incorporated to promote knowledge economy for inclusive and sustainable development.

Green growth is the new revolutionary development paradigm that sustains economic growth while at the same time ensuring climatic and environmental sustainability. It focuses on addressing the root causes of these challenges while ensuring the creation of the necessary channels for resource distribution and access to basic commodities for the impoverished. The Paris Agreement, signed in 2015, established legally binding international climate goals to keep global temperature to 1.5 degree Celsius above pre-industrial levels. The Glasgow Climate Pact –COP26 in 2021agreed to phase down unabated coal power and inefficient subsidies for fossil fuels. COP27 held in Egypt in November 2022 has four key outcomes, such as climate adaptation according to its purpose, ending deforestation, decrease CO2 emissions from fossil fuels, loss and damage funding.
The Climate Change Policy 2019 of Nepal has indicated that a mechanism to identify sources of greenhouse gas emission and to implement emission reduction activities would be developed. The Green, Resilient, and Inclusive Development (GRID) approach has been taken as the development strategy by promoting economic growth that goes hand in hand with environmental goals and social inclusion. Moreover, Nepal committed an ambitious target in achieving Net Zero status by 2045, though the Net Zero target is set to 2050. Nepal at COP27 committed to translate policy that has already been announced into the practice. As Nepal’s 80 percent population is at risk from natural and climate- induced hazard it will certainly benefit from such Fund. However, a dispute triggered on the issue of ‘climate loan’. The precaution of the climate activists is that it should not be the other way of imposing loan to the LDCs. So, they are fully righteous for the grants, not loans. The other issue of the LDCs is its implementation capacity for which the international stakeholders should keep eyes on.

अब संविधानको मूल मर्म अनुसार समानुपातिक समाबेशिता कायम गर्ने गरी ऐन, नियम र कार्य योजना ल्याउनु जरुरी छ। तसर्थ राष्ट्रिय समाबेशी आयोगको प्रतिवेदन अनुसार आरक्षणको सट्टा नेपालको संविधानले व्यवस्था गरेको सबै समुदायको प्रतिनिधित्वको सुनिश्चितताका लागि समानुपातिक समाबेशिताको प्राव्धानलाई अघि बडाउनु समय सान्दर्भिक छ। यसो गर्दा पनि छुट्न सक्ने तल्लो तप्कासम्म पुर्याउन थप व्यवस्था भने गर्नु पर्छ। जस्तै महिलाका लागि संवन्धित समुदाय भित्रै ५० प्रतिशत आरक्षणको व्यवस्था गर्नु पर्ने हुन्छ। संवन्धित समुदाय भित्र पनि पिछडिएको क्षेत्र, यौनिक तथा लैङ्गिक अल्पसंख्यक, अपाङ्गता भएका व्यक्ति, चेपाङ जस्ता लोपोन्मुख समुदाय वा आयोगले भने जस्तै एक पटक पनि मौका नपाएका अति सिमान्तकृत जातिलाई भने सकारात्मक विभेदको  व्यवस्था गर्नु पर्ने हुन्छ। संवन्धित क्लस्टर मै केही संख्या तोकेर हुन्छ वा अन्तरवार्तामा केही नंबर थपेर ती जातिहरुलाई पनि मुलप्रवाहमा ल्याउने व्यवस्था गर्न सकिन्छ। त्यति मात्र हैन छुवाछुत जस्तो अमानवीय व्यवहार मात्र हैन हरेक कुरामा समाज र राज्यले पाखा लगाएका दलित समुदाय र त्यस्तै अन्य जाति वा समुदायहरुलाई क्षतिपूर्तिका लागि विशेष व्यवस्था पनि गर्न सकिन्छ।  यी केही पछिल्ला दृष्टान्तहरु हेरी मुलुकको आवश्यक्तालाई केन्द्रमा राखी समानुपातिकता कायम हुने व्यवस्था गर्नु मुलुकको विकासका लागि अपरिहार्य भइसकेको छ। यी प्राव्धानहरु कार्यान्वयन गरिएमा २०९१ सालसम्म लक्षित समुदायको समानुपातिकता सरकारी सेवामा ५० प्रतिशत पुग्ने र २१०० सालसम्ममा करिव करिव समानुपातिकता कायम हुने अवस्था देखिन्छ। यसले मुलुकलाई सम्बृध्द मात्र हैन सभ्य, समतामुलक र समाजवाद उन्मुख बनाउन जगको काम गर्ने छ। मूलत: राजनीति, सार्वजनिक र निजि क्षेत्रलाई सारभुत समाबेशी बनाउने गरी एउटा समानुपातिक समावेशिता सुनिश्चित गर्ने संवन्धी छाता ऐन  नै ल्याउने तर्फ विषयगत आयोगहरु, संवन्धित निकायहरु र नयाँ विधायकहरुले सोच्नु पर्ने अवस्था छ। राज्यका सबै राजनीतिक र सार्वजनिक सेवामा समानुपातिक समाबेशिता कायम गर्ने र निजि क्षेत्रमा व्यवसाय र कामको प्रकृति अनुसार समावेशिता क्रमश बढाउदै जाने गरी नीतिगत व्यवस्था गर्नु समयको माग हो। यसको लागि अब बन्ने संघीय निजामति सेवा ऐन कोशे ढुङ्गा हुन सक्छ।

Food security is an integral part of the national security and foundation for sustainable development. Eradicating hunger is the major challenge for sustainable development. According to the FAO, there are currently more than 795 million people, or 1 in 9, around the world suffering from chronic hunger, including 159 million children who are chronically malnourished. Almost 490 million (62 percent) undernourished people resides in Asia and Pacific region out of which 281 million (35.4 percent) are merely in Southern Asia. Agriculture is a livelihood for 86 percent of rural people in the world – 1.3 billion smallholders and landless workers. According to FAO, the rate of agricultural production is expected to fall to 1.5 percent between now and 2030, and to 0.9 percent between 2030 and 2050. Meanwhile the population is estimated to increase by 34 percent in that time. The conflict, neoliberal corporate regime, natural disaster, climate changes, economic crises and post-peak use of fossil fuel are the major challenges for the realization of right to food and food sovereignty.

The Foundation for Critical Dialogue has commissioned four studies to see the changes in caste system over the time. All four studies have almost observed the similar caste practices but with different places and informants i.e. freedom in selecting occupation, access to and discrimination in schools, status of property ownership, Inter-dining with other caste-people, status of inter-caste marriage, untouchability/commensality, affiliation in the institutional networks.
Reviewing all these papers it has drawn that there has been significant change in the practices of the caste system. Social Change or transformation is a relative matter; it cannot be done in an absolute sense. So, it would reveal the real sense of transformation if studies have been done in a comparative way with non-Dalits. There is an estimate that at least ten percent GDP loss each year has been occurred due to not mainstreaming Dalits in development. There is a need of an empirical research on how much the state lost over the period due to the caste system in Nepal. the welfare system should be restructured in an innovative way, 'Pro-liberalism’ in place of neo-liberalism which embedded with the principle of protectionism to the deprived ones under the political spectrum of ‘Liberal Socialism’. Egalitarian society from bottom to top is the basic part of the pro-liberalism and liberal socialism is the pathway to break the caste system that our constitution and the contemporary human rights movements direct for.

The contemporary world is under the uncertain, unprecedented, fearful, and painful COVID-19 regime. Within about a year and half thousands people lost their lives, and it continues. The impact of COVID-19 can be seen every sphere of societysocial, political, economic, and other aspects of social system. More importantly COVID-19 created the death threat every single people in the planet; however, its impact on the people living in the poverty so severe that they have been under the phobia of death as well as phobia of hunger. The impact on food security generates multiple chain effects in families, society, state, and globe. In this paper, based on secondary source of information, in this paper, we present-how COVID-19 has hampered the social and economic system of the globe and how the marginalized people are facing the hunger and death threat.

This opinion paper provides a general overview of microfinance / microcredit which is considered one the major program to minimize the poverty, women empowerment and to socioeconomically inclusive society. There are number of success and failure stories mostly from Africa, Asia, and Latin America; however, the microfinance is global agenda of contemporary world. Based secondary sources, and own experience, the paper provides the general overview of microcredit, its success, the obstacles of microfinance and outlines very brief cases of Nepal and Bangladesh. And finally, paper provides a brief recommendation on how microcredit can be successful especially to the developing world.

The COVID-19 pandemic has impacted social, economic, and environmental systems worldwide, slowing down and reversing the progress made in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). SDGs belong to the 2030 Agenda to transform our world by tackling humankind's challenges to ensure well-being, economic prosperity, and environmental protection. We explore the potential impacts of the pandemic on SDGs for Nepal. We followed a knowledge co-creation process with experts from various professional backgrounds, involving five steps: online survey, online workshop, assessment of expert's opinions, review and validation, and revision and synthesis. The pandemic has negatively impacted most SDGs in the short term. Particularly, the targets of SDG 1, 4, 5, 8, 9, 10, 11, and 13 have and will continue to have weakly to moderately restricting impacts. However, a few targets of SDG 2, 3, 6, and 11 could also have weakly promoting impacts. The negative impacts have resulted from impeding factors linked to the pandemic. Many of the negative impacts may subside in the medium and long terms.  The key five impeding factors are lockdowns, underemployment and unemployment, closure of institutions and facilities, diluted focus and funds for non-COVID-19-related issues, and anticipated reduction in support from development partners.  The pandemic has also opened a window of opportunity for sustainable transformation, which is short-lived and narrow. These opportunities are lessons learned for planning and action, socio-economic recovery plan, use of information and communication technologies and the digital economy, reverse migration and 'brain gain,' and local governments' exercising authorities.

In December 2019, a new type of coronavirus causing pneumonia and death was identified in Wuhan, China which is called SARS-CoV-2. The death toll and the cases of COVID-19 transmission each day has been shocking everyone. Despite the vaccination campaign globally the threat of second wave that is much stronger has induced intimidation to the society. Nevertheless, hunger is the biggest cause of death even today. The contraction in market activities would push around hundred millions of people immediately to food insecure zone.  The pandemic is really three crises in one; income, food and health crisis. The consequences of this crisis is particularly severe on vulnerable groups. There are some protracted conflicts also going on simultaneously which pushes the curve up and up. There is also the chance of emergence of new conflicts and/or famine due to this tremor. The global impact is still expanding daily with second wave. SARS-CoV-2 is new to the human immune system. China ramped up its food production systems to industrial scale. The neoliberalism promoted the big firms which not only make big flues but also damage the human immune system. The impact on food security generates multiple chain effects in families, society, state and globe as a whole. To reduce the impact of shocks of pandemic in the long term, we must build more resilient and inclusive food systems. There should be immediate humanitarian response. Enhancing food security for nutrition to boost the immune system should be explored and recommended. Direct support to enterprises, particularly to SMEs and mobilize large injections of concessional finance even from the private lending agencies may support to ensure livelihood security. Prime concern is to reset the economy with Protective Liberalism. The ‘Coronomics’ could be the foundation for greening the Human Economics.

Nowadays the death toll and total cases of Covid-19 transmission each day is shocking everyone.  However, very few people are aware that hunger is the biggest cause of death even today. The global economy is suffering from prolonged ‘slow down’. So, it is obvious that more people than estimated might have been already pushed to hunger. The WB estimates close to 90 million people expected to fall into extreme deprivation this year. Losing job is further losing affordability for the food stuffs. The cost of a healthy diet exceeds the international poverty line, making it unaffordable for the poor. There is the devastating effect on workers in the informal economy and on hundreds of millions of enterprises worldwide. There is also the chance of emergence of new conflicts and/or famine due to this tremor. The neoliberalism promoted the big firms which not only make big flues but also damage the human immune system. Foremost concern is to reset the economy with a new dimension  restoring the local food regime which regenerates the human immune system, protects the environment, respects cultural diversity and rewards human pluralism.

The global economy has been slowed-down due to the Covid-19 pandemic almost throughout the year. Most of the countries have imposed containment as a precautionary measure. Most international flights have been shut down and production and trading businesses have been no more in operation. The human-being came back to its humane character from its robotized behavior. Till November 2, the death toll crossed 1.2 million predominantly in developed countries led by the USA. Although the virus transmission is worldwide the severity of its outbreak is relatively higher in developed countries. It has reversed the world economy creating the greatest recession around the globe since 1930s. The pandemic that the world has been suffering is the fundamental but there are multiple devastating effects on human lives and livelihoods tending towards a severe hunger epidemic. Through the experiences, it is justified that the neoliberal economic policy does not have adequate resilience. Capitalism has generated massive wealth for some, but it has devastated the planet and has failed to improve human well-being. So, the emergence of a new policy that balances economic mobility and human well-being is sought. The concept of ‘Protective Liberalism’ can be a replacement to libertarianism as the socio-economic policy for ‘Liberal Socialism’. It can also be coined as ‘Social Capitalism’ that resets ‘Coronomics’ in an egalitarian manner.

Now the people of the world are divided into two thoughts; Covid-19 prevention and control, and proximity of hunger due to the prolonged lockdown. Especially the rich are more afraid of the disease because the hunger never touches them. But the oppressed-class people are not as worried about the disease as they are about hunger. The bare-foot-marching people seen in the highway shows the same as there is no place to eat on the way due to the lockdown, neither they have affordability. Even now, with the emphasis on prevention of Corona infection around the world, international organizations and nation-states do not seem to be as concerned about starvation as they seem to have been. People are dying of hunger three times a day more than Covid-19. This number is estimated to have increased further in the current lockdown. So, journalist Paula Froelich used ‘luxury’ to the later part of the lockdown in an article of New York Post. It is because the well-off people and elites have been ‘enjoying’ the lockdown whereas the oppressed section of people are stranded and traumatized with the shock of life, livelihood and hunger.As millions of people faced being pushed to the brink of starvation, WFP warns of a “hunger pandemic”. If we don’t prepare and act now – to secure access, avoid funding shortfalls and disruptions to trade – we could be facing multiple famines within a short few month.It needs focused protective intervention from the state which focuses on building local food regime-peasants command over food system- that La Via Campesina, the peasants’ movement, has been campaigning since 1996. The Constitution of Nepal has included the Right to Food and Food Sovereignty as the fundamental rights while the Act (2018)  has detailed various measures to its realization. The implicit spirit of the food soverengty is to build the local food regime that regenerates human immune, protects environment, respects cultural diversity and rewards human pluralism. It strengthens the community resilience and also reduces carbon emission.

The global economy has been locked-down due to the Covid-19 pandemic almost for four months. Some countries have formally imposed the lockdown and in some countries, people keep themselves in self-isolation, a precautionary measure. Most international flights have been shut down and production and trading businesses are no more in operation. The human-being came back to its humane character from the robotized behavior. Till May 6, the death toll reached 264,837 predominantly in developed countries led by the USA.  Although the virus transmission is worldwide the severity of its outbreak is relatively higher in developed countries which favor and practice the liberal economy. It has reversed the world economy creating the greatest recession around the globe since 1930s. The pandemic that the world has been suffering is the fundamental but there are multiple devastating effects on human lives and livelihoods. The health pandemic is tending towards a severe hunger epidemic. There are some countries suffering from multiple epidemics. Capitalism has generated massive wealth for some, but it has devastated the planet and has failed to improve human well-being. So, the emergence of a new system that balances economic mobility and human flourishing is sought. The concept of ‘Protective Liberalism’ can be a replacement to libertarianism as the socio-economic policy for ‘Liberal Socialism’. It can also be coined as ‘Social Capitalism’ that reshapes ‘Coronomics’ in an egalitarian manner.

The global economy has been locked down due to the Covid-19 pandemic almost for four months. Some countries have formally imposed the lock down and in some countries, people keep themselves in self-isolation as a precautionary measure. Most international flights have been shut down, as have most production and trading businesses. It seems everything is in long rest; the earth is recharging. The human-being came back to humane character from its robotized behavior. Moreover, it has reversed the world economy creating the greatest recession around the globe since the 1930s.
Lockdowns and economic recession are expected to lead to a major loss of income among the working poor. Massive job loss will also hit to the labour-sending countries harder since remittances will fall sharply. we need to build a new system that will balance economic mobility and human flourishing.
The policy of equitable economic mobility and social entrepreneurship through protective liberalism would support and promote not only achieving the goal of liberal socialism but restore the egalitarian society in a sustainable manner.

The death toll of Covid-19 each day is shocking everyone, sometimes it crossed 7000 a day. However, hunger is the biggest cause of death even today. Ten million people die every year (more than 25,000 per day) due to hunger and hunger related diseases. Over 2.5 million Indians die of hunger every year that counts over 7,000 every day. A child dies from hunger every ten seconds. As per UNICEF report (2018) approximately 3.1 million children die from undernutrition each year. That is nearly half of all deaths in children under the age of five. Thus, the hunger is still the world’s biggest health problem. So, it has been essential to restructure the world economy that favors restoring the local food regime which regenerates human immune, protects environment, respects cultural diversity and rewards human pluralism.

Nowadays the death figure of Covid-19 each day, sometimes it crossed 7000 (7382 for April 7, the highest daily death toll till the date),  is shocking everyone. However, very few people are aware that hunger is the biggest cause of death even today. Ten million people die every year (more than 25,000 per day) due to hunger and hunger related diseases.  A child dies from hunger every ten seconds. Covid-19 pandemic would push more than 21 million people immediately to food insecure zone.The WFP estimates that more than 320 million primary schoolchildren are now missing out on school meals.
ILO has estimated that the global market will lose up to 25 million jobs. The full or partial lockdown measures affect almost 2.7 billion workers – four in five of the world’s workforce. That fuels for the more people pushing to acute hunger.
The state and the society have to respond these issues, protecting people from Covid-19 and hunger, in an appropriate way including humanitarian response. Foremost concern is to revive the economy with a new dimension.The ‘Coronomics’  can be the foundation for Human Economics which would be the ground rule to build the local food regime- homegrown approach to eradicate hunger.

The worldwide Covid-19 pandemic confirms the Malthusian view that nature maintains balance after an imbalance on earth is still true.  However, the development of science and technology that he has not imagined the ‘Promotional Check’  has led to its prevention even in more speedy way. With the development of science and technology, direct infection of the pandemic will be completed through promotional check within two more months, without causing major damages as seen in previous cases. But the economic pandemic will be far-reaching.  However, it will teach the world new dimensions and open some new opportunities. In today’s materialistic age, the economic crisis will be extensive. The structure in which the world has been growing economically will be changed. For some countries it will also create more opportunities. It will establish new protocols in the field of public health, production systems and market; and will also develop new technologies accordingly. The crucial issue is the current outbreak alone will not maintain perfect balance on earth. Therefore, science and technology will be continuously used the most in promotional control so as to maintain the balance in the earth and planet. Otherwise, new outbreaks for natural control will continue to occur, as Malthus viewed. This is the basic point that the world needs to learn from this pandemic. Now this pandemic has confessed the globe to reframe its economic policy in a new dimension.

In any way the fiscal budget of 2010/2011 amounting 337.9 billion had been presented in fifth month of the economic year. The budget has 53.6% of big share for current expenditure, 38.3% for capital expenditure and 5.4% for debt servicing. The budget now having tenure of just seven months has allocated 52.9% for Development Program and 47.1% for general administration expenses. The claim of Finance Minister to the budget as a consensus-budget of political parties is proved untrue as the budget-speech was obstructed in the parliament and had to be brought through ordinance. Though Finance Minister said that despite of some agreed projects, the foreign aid has been disbursed only for the continuity of previous programs, the shape of budget reflects its expansionary etiquette. The budget is ambitious because of the expectation of 4.5% economic growth rate since the growth rate is in decreasing trend for last three years and the political instability is still escalating. The foreign aid expectation of this fiscal year is 65.3442 billion. It is 36.58% of the total development expenditures. Generally foreign loan is presented as the source for deficit-budget. So the budget is less by 55.9114 billion which is expected to be fulfilled by the foreign loan of 22.2314 billion. Hence the total foreign aid for this year is 26% of total budget (49% of development budget). The budget allocation for this year debt servicing is 18.0423 billion. The loan repayment due till the past fiscal year is NRs 253.1252 billion. This is 23.4% of total GDP. Basically this rate exceeding 20% is not treated as good. Foreign debt is taken as an expensive means for the developing countries. It is said that $1 loan becomes $25 at its maturity due to exchange rate and other cost. Nevertheless, development budget as dependent on foreign aid in planned developments has been our ground reality historically. But the results of aid are not able to improve the livelihood of people because of inherent politics and inefficient governance in foreign aid management. On latter times, political instability and polarity between political parties could not create a healthy environment for the formation of foreign aid policy. It thus brought maladies on negotiation skills among country stakeholders. Developing partners indeed have their own priorities and interest. It is only the politics to acknowledge and identify the compatibility of these interests with our country needs. Nepal Development Forum (NDF) Meeting happens for the beneficial usage of foreign aid in Nepal. Negotiation in political-level for the development is done in this NDF Meeting. But since many years this meeting has

Free market economy has never been in practice since the perfect competitive market is just an ideal situation. It is the economic creator of classes dividing human beings in different layers. The corporate regime came about with the neoliberal economic theory which is motivated by efficiency and trade liberalization. 'Supermarket revolution' for privileged consumers further constructed the division of farmers and consumers advancing 'new international division of labour'. Their economic power turns into the political power. The economic crisis was the result of neoliberal policy. It regenerated neoliberal atrocities and failed to improve human wellbeing at scale. State capitalism emerged as the alternative system: a compromise between competitive capitalism and socialism. However, it has several limitations. The protectionism stimulates left out people for economic growth. Egalitarian society from bottom to top is the basic part of the protective liberalism. It is neither anti-capitalism nor anti-socialism, rather the basic foundation for the transformative democracy.

Karnali (initially known as province six) is one of the seven provinces of Federal Nepal which lies almost in high hills and mountainous terrain. It is the only province without Terai and Indian border with the area of 24,453 sq km. It has about 18 percent of arable land with 75.5 percent cultivated. However, such farming relies more on monsoon rain. Out of the cultivated land mere 23 percent has been facilitated with the irrigation. Almost 74 percent of the household's livelihood is more fragile in the province depending on the traditional farming. Apart from the herbal species which is collected seasonally in some high terrain, the alternative source of living is to work as labourer in some Indian cities. About 85 percent of the households of Karnali have been expelled for employment, out of which 50 percent go to India, while 37 percent work in different cities within the country. There is very limited access to foreign employment other than India. Seasonal migration to lower part and Terai is usual for the people of high hill and mountain. In winter, residents of high hill and mountain migrate to Surkhet, Banke, Kathmandu and various parts of the country for few months. Thus, the remittance sent by working out population has been the source of livelihood for most of the Karnali households.
Nevertheless, Karnali is rich in natural heritage. Even though the region has been left behind in development arena for a longtime it has sufficient potential to make prosperous. The economy of the province can be boosted up through hydro-power, high-value agro-forest including herbal products, adventure and eco-tourism, etc. Since the country's governance system has been already shifted into the federal structure there is no place to blame it. For this, system requires to shift from its traditional style into more productive and responsible one. Prosperous Karnali is no far if the local and provincial governments identify strategically priority areas and implement it's plan through collaboration among government, non-government and private sectors.

The 2007-08 crisis had its origins in the rising world market prices of food commodities, in particular of wheat, rice, soya and maize, resulting in an increase in the cost of food imports and in the percentage of household budgets devoted to food. The rising prices of foodstuffs had repercussions on local markets and fueled an unprecedented increase in the number of hungry people in 2007, 2008 and 2009. Rising world market prices substantially increased the cost of food imports, especially for countries dependent on them for the food security of their population.
A scientific research warns that the global economy has entered a new era of slow and declining growth because of the declining value of energy that can be produced from the world’s fossil fuel resource base. The Global Oil Supply Report estimates that 81 percent of the world liquide production (oil) is already in decline and further assumes 5 to 7 percent per annum decline rates.
More broadly, the scientists show that there is a direct correlation between global population growth, economic growth and total energy consumption and all these variables have the direct and immediate impact on food security. To take the precaution in time, the only way remained is to explore viable new energy sources which can tremendously substitute fossil fuels. So, we need to recognize the saturation or failure of the existing global system and initiate restructuring of its transition to post-carbon (green) and post-capitalism (human) economy. For both, the agriculture sector is more viable to start through ‘protective liberalization'.

Hunger is not only a consequence of conflict but can fuel and drive conflicts, especially in the presence of unstable political regimes, a youth bulge, stunted economic development, slow or falling economic growth, and high inequality. The conflict when reaches at its acute level, the food is the cause and consequence of most of the conflicts, so, it is termed as ‘Food War’. Food wars are defined to include the use of hunger as a weapon or hunger vulnerability that accompanies or follows destructive conflict.  As per Amartya Sen (1981), conflict causes food insecurity by reducing food production, access to food, and human welfare and capabilities, and other social infrastructures.

The peasant movement has given more weighted to farmers. In fact, a farmer is also a consumer. Agrarian reform revitalizes inter-dependence between consumers and producers. Still in this representation theory, question again arises since the meaning of 'peasant' is vague in itself.  If we assume the representation of those 'who produce, distribute and consume food' as described in the La Via Campesina, the phrase refers, unfortunately, to everyone, including the transnational corporations.  So, it is hard to identify, whose representation is very important, and to cluster them. One version is focusing to the family farming whereas the family institution is one of the oldest factory for patriarchy, social traditions and other taboos. One might interpret ‘those who produce, distribute and consume food’ as natural rather than legal people. Corporations are not flesh and blood; so, they are not humans.  Right to food being the human rights it certainly limits to the human being who deals with food system. However, still the question may arise which section of human involving in food system since the human has immense diversity. There are always dominant and subordinate groups  in each geographical and/or thematic constituency in each country. In inclusion theory, the representation is always for those who are deprived of mainstream activities. Thus, a deeper study should be taken on who are the deprived groups in the food system governance. The first step would be to push representation of peasants and the second step would be exploring deprived ones within peasant’s constituency for their significant representation in the food system governance. The aim should be building food regime for deprived ones. In fact it is the way of building new social relations and protecting human capital through political discourse.

Social exclusion/inclusion and inequality have been the most challenging issue for the modern world. Despite significant consideration and investment to cope with these challenges the results are not still in the satisfactory level. As per the recent report of the the gap between richer and poorer is continued to be widened. The societies of the developing countries are still heavily engaged in disparity and discrimination based on the religion, race, caste, class and ethnicity. The terms ‘social inclusion’ and ‘social exclusion’ have, over recent years, become increasingly used by politicians, practitioners and the public. To define social inclusion, we should know first the meaning of social exclusion.  Beall and Piron explain that exclusion is a concept that describes a condition in one hand as well as a dynamic process on the other hand. This talks about the position of a person or group of persons in the specific structure of society.  These structures include the position of people in physical facility, gender, caste, ethnicity, religion, age, power, employment, participation in community affairs, land ownership, production- structure, citizenship etc. People who are in systematically disadvantaged positions are at the state of exclusion. Similarly, the concept of dynamic process is institutional dimension. De Haan argues that exclusion as a process of institutional bottleneck, probably the procedural barriers, which systematically block to certain groups to be out from his/her situation. Jalal  mentions social exclusion as a process through which individuals or groups wholly or partially deprived of full participation in the society in which they live. That means it is directly linked with the food security, right to food and food sovereignty.

In the last 15 years, the agricultural sector of Nepal experienced several changes. The proportion of households operating agricultural holdings as well as the average size of the operated land has decreased. According to the NLSS 2010/11, out of the total households in the country, nearly 74 percent are agricultural households with land and roughly 2 percent are agricultural households without land. Out of total households operating land, 58 percent are in the hills, 43 percent are in the Terai and 9 percent are in the mountains. The average size of agricultural land area in the country is 0.7 hectares. Most agricultural households depend on small farm size for cultivation. Of the total farmers about 53 percent are small farmers (operating less than 0.5 ha of land), other 4 percent are large operating 2 ha and more land. The Gini concentration index of agricultural land area in the country is estimated at 0.51. Some changes in selected agricultural indicators are given in table. With the change in the population dynamics, social demography and the economic structure of the Nepalese population, the macroeconomic scenario of the country has also been shifting.

Food security is an integral part of the national security and foundation for sustainable development. Eradicating hunger is the major challenge for sustainable development. According to the FAO, there are currently more than 795 million people, or 1 in 9, around the world suffering from chronic hunger, including 159 million children who are chronically malnourished. Almost 490 million (62 percent) undernourished people resides in Asia and Pacific region out of which 281 million (35.4 percent) are merely in Southern Asia. Agriculture is a livelihood for 86 percent of rural people in the world – 1.3 billion smallholders and landless workers. According to FAO, the rate of agricultural production is expected to fall to 1.5 percent between now and 2030, and to 0.9 percent between 2030 and 2050. Meanwhile the population is estimated to increase by 34 percent in that time. The conflict, neoliberal corporate regime, natural disaster, climate changes, economic crises and post-peak use of fossil fuel are the major challenges for the realization of right to food and food sovereignty.

Microfinance has proven to be an effective tool for poverty reduction. . There are wide variations based on rural-urban divide, geography, ethnic group and occupational caste. The most deprived groups like Dalits are still lacking inclusion even in the very bottom, grassroots institutions. Major challenges to inclusion are the poverty, remoteness and socio-cultural taboos. Despite their association as a member, there is no supportive policy, programs and environment either from government or within the institutions. Building inclusive financial system has been the global agenda since the start of twenty first century. Likewise, social inclusion has been the top political agenda in the country since the people’s movement-II (2006). However, there is the presumed ‘national attitude’ that social inclusion spoils the productivity. In contrast, the research found that the social inclusion promotes productivity which leads financial sustainability of an organization. This research firmly concluded that for creating a sustainable, prosperous, inclusive and equitable institutions or societies, there should be key transformative changes taken place at the system/policy level such as protective liberalism in economic avenue and liberal socialism in political avenue. Similarly, there should also be transformative changes taken place in terms of (self)-empowerment from the bottom.

The centuries of caste practice and concomitant discrimination in the socio-political and economic life of the people are so deeply rooted in the society that it is not a matter that will wither away through mere legal provisions. If non-discrimination between castes is to be achieved, it is only possible by pulling different caste members together. Constitutional
provisions alone cannot bring behavioural changes in the neither society nor strong speeches by political leaders. Social political awareness, however, is growing among the educated members of the Dalit groups.
Proportional representation may not do full justice to some large or small groups. For substantive equality and equity, the government and local bodies should design affirmative action policy. Special measures are required in political representation, employment, education and housing. No society can be forcefully changed overnight. Social and political mobilization needs to be executed to transform the transitional society scrupulously into the modern one.

Innovative financial inclusion improves poor people's access to financial services through the spread of new approaches. The most important advocacy tool would be to say that inclusion promotes productivity. After all, it is not only a social compulsion of governments, but an emerging priority for banks that have nowhere else to go to achieve business growth. By decreasing the implementation gap, financial inclusion programmes could no doubt offer institutions an innovative means of market expansion, customer diversity management and mass-market lifestyle enablement. Thus, the financial system needs to be restructured so as to make it more inclusive in terms of members and clients and products and services.

Financial inclusion can be said to comprise of ensuring access of financial services and timely, adequate credit to vulnerable groups and giving people an opportunity to build better lives for themselves and their children. It means that people who don’t have the access to banking should be provided with that opportunity. It aims at providing appropriate, low-cost, fair and safe financial products and services or instruments, such as bank accounts, affordable credit, assets, savings, insurance, payments and remittance facility as well as money advice from mainstream providers to all. It is eventually aimed at providing financial stability so as to have inclusive growth. Financial inclusion is not only a social compulsion of governments, but an emerging priority for banks that have nowhere else to go to achieve business growth. Implemented right, financial inclusion programs could no doubt offer banks an innovative means of market expansion, customer diversity management and mass-market lifestyle enablement.

The poorest section of people are without access to microfinance. Even a well-designed microfinance programme is unlikely to have a positive impact on the poorest unless it specifically seeks to reach them through appropriate product design and targeting. Experience shows that unless there is a targeting tool, the poorest will either be missed or they will tend to exclude themselves because they do not see the programs as being for them. Those are always excluded because of the widespread misperception that the  poorest are a greater credit risk and the reality that the unit costs of small loans tend to exceed the unit costs of larger loans. Small income changes for the very poor have proportionately much greater impacts on livelihood, than those for the better off. Both breadth and depth of services are very important for the microfinance industry. It is apparent that until and unless the programs are intentionally designed to reach them, reaching poorest of the poor is impossible. In this context, this paper was prepared and presented in the first National Microfinance Summit and the topic was the banner theme of the summit held in 2008.

In 2010 a study on the inclusivity in microfinance institutions was done and revealed some important issues that bring the serious attention of the policy makers and practitioners. The study focused on microfinance cooperatives (MFCs), cooperatives that run the saving and micro credit program, it being the most grassroots institutions and targeted to the deprived groups in the country. It classifies the social cluster into three groups; Brahmin/Chhetris, indigenous and Dalits. The study reveals that Microfinance cooperatives are mostly dominated by so-called high caste groups i.e. Brahmin/Chhetris followed by indigenous people. The participation of Dalits is marginal with 1 percent in management, 3 percent in governance and 13 percent share in general clients. This calculation is with headcount which does not capture the real magnitude of the inclusion. So, the research established a tool to measure the magnitude of social inclusion called Social Inclusion Factor (SIF).

Food security is the integral part of the national security, backbone of health security and foundation for sustainable development. Eradicating hunger is the major challenge for sustainable development. Widespread poverty is the major cause for food insecurity within deprived communities in Nepal. Low food and livestock production, economic recession, price hiking, unemployment, decade long armed-conflict, slow development and recurring natural disasters have exacerbated precarious food security. Geo-politics, movements of the various groups, longer transitional phase and the landlocked situation are the specific challenges for Nepal.

Policy intervention is needed to make wider financial inclusion through state policy on financial inclusion and corporate policy on diversity. It has been envisaged that neither state nor institutional policy is inclusion friendly. There is the need to adopt focused inclusive policy for governance, membership and service delivery. The joint effort of government, civil societies and other stakeholders for financial inclusion would be crucial. There should be strong legal framework and national policy on building inclusive financial system.

The most important advocacy tool would be-Financial inclusion promotes productivity. Financial inclusion is not only a social compulsion of governments, but an emerging priority for corporate houses to go to achieve business growth. Lessening implementation gap, financial inclusion programs could be an innovative means of market expansion, customer diversity management and mass-market lifestyle enablement.

हाम्रो निजामती सेवा ऐनले गरेको आरक्षण व्यवस्था समावेशिताको सक्रिय नीति होइन । दक्षिण अफ्रिकामा रंगभेदको अन्त्य भए पछि सबै क्षेत्रमा समावेशिताको सक्रिय नीति अवलम्वन गरिएको थियो । यस नीति अन्तर्गत जुनजुन निकाय, सेवा र तहमा जुन समुदायको संख्या पुग्दैन त्यस वेलासम्म त्यही समुदायको लागि मात्र विज्ञापन गरिन्थ्यो । यसो गर्दा छोटो अवधी मै सबै समुदाय (विशेषत अफ्रिकी मूल र गोराहरु) को समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्व कायम हुन सक्यो र त्यसले देशको आर्थिक, सामाजिक तथा राजनीतिक रुपान्तरणमा ठूलो टेवा पुर्यायो भने राज्यको समावेशी चरित्र निर्माण ग¥यो । भारत कै कतिपय राज्यमा प्रान्तीय सरकारले संघिय कानूनले तोकेको सीमा भन्दा वढी (कतीपयमा त ६० प्रतिशत भन्दा पनि बढि) तोकी प्रगतिशील आरक्षणको व्यवस्था समेत गरेको छ । तर हाम्रो आरक्षण व्यवस्था सिध्दान्ततस् निष्क्रिय वर्गमा पर्छ, यसलाई कतिपयले त विपरित आरक्षण (Reverse Reservation) पनि भन्ने गरेका छन । यस्तो आरक्षणले शक्ति संवन्धमा कुनै रुपान्तरण अर्थात संरचनात्मक परिवर्तन ल्याउन सक्दैन । बरु असमावेशीताको पर्खाल झन झन अग्लिदै जाने अवस्था देखिन्छ । यसले मालिक कारिन्दाको संवन्ध (Clientele Relationship) लाई निरन्ता दिनु वाहेक ठोस रुपान्तरण गर्न सकेन ।
तसर्थ, अवको समिक्षा र सुधार भनेको संविधानले ले नै अंगिकार गरेको समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्वको आधारमा त्यस्ता समुदायहरुलाई समाबेश गराउने र त्यस्तो प्रतिनिधित्व नीतिनिर्माण तहसम्म कसरी पु¥याउने भन्ने हो । संविधानमा बर्चश्वशाली समुदाय खसआर्य पनि राखिनुको तात्पर्य समानुपातिक समावेशी प्रव्धानको व्यवस्था गर्नु नै हो । नेपालको संविधानले व्यवस्था गरेको सबै समुदायको प्रतिनिधित्वको सुनिश्चितताका लागि समानुपातिक समाबेशिताको प्राव्धानलाई अब बन्ने निजामति सेवा ऐनबाट अघि बडाउनु समय सान्दर्भिक हुनेछ । त्यस अर्थमा निजामति सेवामा शतप्रतिशतमा नै समानुपातिकता कायम हुनु पर्ने संविधानको मर्म हो । बरु यसो गर्दा पनि छुट्न सक्ने तल्लो तप्कासम्म पुर्याउन थप व्यवस्था भने गर्नु पर्छ।

अहिले देशले सन् २०२२ सम्म विकासील मुलुकमा स्तरोन्ती हुने र सन् २०३० सम्म मध्यम आयस्तर देशमा स्तरोन्नती हुने तथा दीगो विकास लक्ष्य पूरा गर्ने कार्य मै आफ्नो स्रोत साधन र ध्येय केन्द्रित गरेको छ । सोही अनुसार सबै प्रदेश र स्थानीय तहले पनि आ-आफ्ना कार्यहरु यही राष्ट्रिय लक्ष्य तर्फ नै उन्मूख गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ जुन समृद्धीका मूल आधार पनि हुन । विकासशील मुलुकमा स्तरोन्नती हुन प्रति व्यक्ति आय २१०० अमेरिकी डलर पुर्याउने देशले लक्ष्य राखेको छ । कर्णालीको हकमा पनि यही लक्ष्यलाई लिएर प्रदेश सरकार र स्थानीय तह उत्साहित भै लागेका छन् । तथापी आधा भन्दा बढी जनसंख्या बहुआयामिक गरिवीको अवस्थामा रहेको यो प्रदेशले यही अवधीमा उक्त आयस्तर पुर्याउन भने सम्भव देखिदैन । हाल देशको प्रति व्यक्ति आय १००४ डलर हुँदा प्रदेशको आयस्तर ६७७ डलर भएकोमा यही अनुपात कायम राख्न पनि अहिलकै सटही दरमा १६०० डलर पुर्याउनु पर्ने हुन्छ ।
हालको ४.५ प्रतिशतबाट दुई अंकको आर्थिक वृद्दी पुर्याउन सरकारको सक्रीय हस्तक्षेप जरुरी पर्छ । विगतको अनुभवमा नेपालको औषत आय करिव एघार वर्षमा डवल भएको तथ्याङ्क छ । अहिले जिम्मेवार लगानी गरेमा त्यसको प्रतिफल प्राप्त हुन नै ४/५ वर्ष लाग्छ । कतिपय लगानीको प्रतिफलको ग्रेस अवधी झनै लामो हुन्छ । यस्तो अवस्थामा यो अवधीमा आर्थिक विकासमा सक्रीय हस्तक्षेप हुन सकेमा अर्को पाँच वर्षमा कर्णाली प्रदेशको आयस्तर २१०० डलर हुने देखिन्छ । त्यसको लागि सबै तहका सरकारले अनुत्पादक आलंकारीक निकाय खडा गर्ने तथा उत्सवजन्य कार्यक्रममा रमाउने भन्दा पनि उद्यमशील सरकारको रुपमा चुस्त प्रणाली विकास गरी जिम्मेवार लगानीमा ध्यान दिन जरुरी छ ।

ज्ञान उत्पादनका लागि आलोचनात्मक चेतको जरुरी हुन्छ। यी विश्लेषणहरुबाट के देखिन्छ भने युवामा आफै आलोचनात्मक चेत आउने हैन। यो ल्याउने संरचना भनेको ज्ञान उत्पादन केन्द्रहरु (थिङ्क ट्याङ्क) हुन । यस्ता केन्द्रहरुमा ऋषी बशिष्ठ र मनु कै मनोबृत्तिको निरन्तरता देखिन्छ। औपचारिक सत्ता र अनौपचारिक सत्ता (राजनीतिक दल, संचार जगत, न्याय क्षेत्र र नागरिक संजाल) मा पनि यही बिरासतको वर्चश्व कायम छ। यस्ता संस्थाहरुले जात व्यवस्था जस्ता परंपरागत ज्यादतिको पुनर्उत्पादन बाहेक के नै गर्छन र ! तसर्थ यस्ता निकायहरुको आमुल पुनरसंरचनाको खाचो छ; वा विकल्पमा काउण्टर थिङ्क ट्याङ्क निर्माण गर्न जरुरी छ। अन्यथा शाही माननिय कै जस्तो मनोविज्ञान युवा पुस्तामा पुस्तान्तरण हुदै जान्छ । अनि दलितहरु ख्याउटे भइरहनु पर्ने र अन्तरजातिय प्रेम गरेकै कारण मनुस्मृति अनुसार युवाहरु दण्डित भइरहनु पर्ने हुन्छ। तर बुझ्नु पर्ने कुरा के छ भने यसबाट न त समाज उभो लाग्छ न त मुलुक नै ।

समाज विकासका क्रममा राज्यको स्थापना नै संपत्ती सुरक्षाका लागि भएको रहेछ। जव कविलाहरु जमिन ओगटी एकै ठाउँ खेतिपाती गरेर बस्न थाले लडाका कविलाहरु आई जुनसुकै बेला पनि आक्रमण गरी जमिन र उत्पादन लुट्न सक्ने संभावना भएकोले त्यसको सुरक्षाका लागि आआफ्नो कविलामा पनि लडाकु दस्ता (सेना) तैयार गर्ने र त्यसको परिचालनका लागि एक जना नाईके (राजा) छनोट गरी जिम्मा लगाउने व्यबस्थाको शुरुवात भयो। तिनीहरुको लालनपालनका लागि उत्पादनमा संलग्न ब्यक्तिहरुबाट उत्पादनको केही हिस्सा कर उठाएर नाईकेको जिम्मा लगाउन थालियो। यसरी ब्यैक्तिक उत्पादन संपत्तीको सुरक्षाका लागि राज्य, सेना र कर व्यवस्थाको शुरुवात भएको पाइन्छ।
पछि कविलाको आनिबानीबाट सृजिएको संस्कृतिको धार्मीकरण, राज्यीकरण र अहिले बजारीकरण हुदै गयो। जव संस्कृतिको राज्यीकरण भयो यसलाई सत्ता प्राप्तीको माध्यम बनाइयो र अन्य संस्कृतिहरुलाई दबाउदै लगियो। किनकि सत्ता भनेको राज्यको स्रोतको दोहन गर्ने अधिकारको बैधानिक प्राप्ति हो।
हाम्रो जस्तो समाजमा सांस्कृतिक विनिर्माणको बाहक शक्ति मध्यम वर्ग नै बन्नु पर्दछ। राजनीतिलाई पनि विशुध्द प्रजातान्त्रिक संस्कारमा ल्याउन यही शक्ति जुर्मुराउनु जरुरी छ। खुला बजार नीतिबाट राज्य कल्याणकारी हुनै सक्दैन न त समाजबाद उन्मुख नै। त्यसका लागि संरक्षणकारी उदारवाद (Pro-liberalism) को बजार नीति अभ्यासमा ल्याउन जरुरी छ जुन उदार समाजबाद (Liberal Socialism) को महत्वपूर्ण हिस्सा हो।

दशैंको शुरुवात कसरी भयो भन्ने प्रमाणिक दस्तावेज नभए पनि समाजको विकासक्रममा जव मानव सभ्यता कृषि युगमा प्रवेश गरी कविलाहरु एकै ठाउ बसी खेतिपाति गर्ने अभ्यासको विस्तार हुदै गयो खुसि मनाउने यस्ता उत्सवको पनि विकास हुदै गएको पाइन्छ। हाम्रा चाडपर्वहरुको शुरुवात रैथाने कृषि कर्ममा आधारित सारै सरल र सामान्य उत्सवबाट भएको पाइन्छ। विस्तारै यसलाई धर्मसंग जोडियो र विभिन्न किम्बदन्तीहरु जोडी रहस्यमय बनाउदै लगियो। परिणाम स्वरुप उत्पादनको खुसियाली मनाउन शुरु भएको पर्व पाप-धर्म, स्वर्ग-नर्क, सत्य-असत्य, सुर-असुर आदिमा जोडियो। त्यसमा पनि अझै राज्यको विस्तार गर्ने होडबाजीमा यसलाई वीजय उत्सव बनाउन थालियो र वीजय उन्मादमा पशुवली दिई हिंसात्मक बनाइयो। हाम्रा संस्कृतिको मुक्तिकामी रुपान्तरण (पुनर्स्थापना/बिनिर्माण) का लागि राज्य, समाज र नागरिक तयार हुनु जरुरी छ। यसका लागि आलोचनात्मक हस्तक्षेपका साथ मुलुकका रैथाने समुदायहरु जुर्मुराउन र ज्ञान निर्माणको अर्को पाटो खोतल्न आवश्यक छ।

सिन्धुघाँटीको सभ्यतामा आर्यहरूको आगमनसँगै वैदिककाल सुरुआत भएको मानिन्छ। वैदिक कालमा ऋषीहरूले ज्ञान उत्पादन गर्ने र मुनीहरूले सीप कला-कौशलको सृजना गर्ने कार्यले मानव सभ्यतालाई विकास गर्दै लग्यो। यसलाई मानव आवश्यक्ताका वस्तु वा सेवा उत्पादन संग जोडियो। जब सिन्धुघाँटीको सभ्यता निर्माण गरिरहेका द्रविडहरूमाथि आर्यहरूले हमला गरी जित हासिल गरे, पराजित द्रविडहरूलाई दास, शूद्रको रूपमा व्यवहार गर्न थालियो। जब सिन्धुघाँटीको सभ्यता निर्माण गरिरहेका द्रविडहरूमाथि आर्यहरूले हमला गरी जित हासिल गरे, पराजित द्रविडहरूलाई दास, शूद्रको रूपमा व्यवहार गर्न थालियो। बुध्द र महावीर जस्ता त्यस समयका सुधारवादी व्यक्तिहरु राजकाज नै त्यागेर यस्तो उत्पीडनका विरुध्द नलागेका पनि होइनन् तर ब्रम्हाणवाद यति गाजिइसकेको थियो कि उनीहरुको पनि केही लागेन। बरु ब्रम्हाणवादको क्रुरताले उनीहरुलाई पनि सतायो।
नेपालको संदर्भमा आदिम कालदेखि नै यहाँ विभिन्न रैथाने समुदायहरूले विभिन्न स्थानमा राज्य चलाउदै आएको पाइन्छ। राजा सुपुष्प बर्माको समयमा हिन्दु वर्ण व्यवस्था अनुसार समाजलाई चार वर्णमा विभाजन गरिएको थियो। मल्ल कालमा त जात व्यवस्था एकदम झाङ्गिएको पाइन्छ। तर ११ औ शताव्दीसम्म कर्णाली भेगमा भने रैथाने शिल्पी समुदायहरू कै राजकाज थियो। पृथ्वीनारायण शाहको शासनकालमा पनि जात उकास्ने र खसाल्ने, जातीय आधारमा विभेद गर्ने तथा छुवाछूत प्रथालाई निरन्तरता दिनेजस्ता कार्यहरू हुँदै आएको पाइन्छ। राणाकालमै भगत सर्वजित जातिय विभेद विरुध्द संगठित तवरले लागेका थिए।२०७२ सालमा पहिलो पटक संविधानसभाबाट नेपालको संविधान जारी भयो जसले मुलुकको शासकीय स्वरुपलाई नै परिवर्तन गरी संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रात्मक राज्य हुने व्यवस्था गर्यो।

अहिले विश्वका अधिकांश मुलुकमा ऐतिहासिकरुपमा भएको बहिष्करणका कारणले मुलुकले व्यहोर्नु परेको क्षतिको गणना गर्ने प्रचलन रहेको छ। उक्त गणना अनुसार मुलुक र तत् तत् समुदायले गुमाउनु परेको लाभको यकिन गरी त्यसको परिपूरण गर्नको लागि नीति बनाउन थालेका छन्। नेपालमा भने यो विषय अर्थतंत्रसंग जोडेर खासै कुरा गरेको पाइदैन। शिल्पी दलितहरुले जग्गा जमिन र कुनै सम्पत्ति राख्न नपाउने, राखेको भए ब्रम्हाणले लुटेर लिने बैधानिक व्यवस्थाको असरले होला दलितहरु अहिलेसम्म भूमिहीन हुनुपरेको छ।कुनै व्यक्ति निश्चित जातकै गर्भबाट जन्मेकै कारणले भोग्नु पर्ने जात-जरिवानाले उसको क्षमतामा कति ह्रास ल्याए होला? र त्यसको असर मुलुकको समग्र मानव विकास र आर्थिक समृध्दीमा कति परे होला? जात व्यवस्था कै कारणले अहिले पनि यी समुदायका युवाहरूको ६० प्रतिशत ज्ञानात्मक उर्जा (Cognitive Energy) यही सवालको मनोक्रान्तिमा विताउनु परेको छ। यसले गर्दा आमरत्य सेनले भने जस्तै मावनीय सामर्थ्य प्रतिष्पर्धात्मक बन्न सकेको छैन जसले गर्दा उनीहरू गरीविको दुष्चक्रमा जकडिरहेका छन। तसर्थ यस भित्र लुकेका लागत (Hidden Cost) त कति छन कति जसलाई मौद्रिक मूल्यमा गणना गर्नै सकिन्न। यसको सबै भन्दा ठूलो हिस्सा त मानवीय संवेदनासंग गासिएको कुरा हो। संविधानले समाजवाद उन्मुख अर्थतंत्र भने ता पनि मुलुक त्यस तर्फ लाग्न सकेको छैन। त्यसको लागि सरकार संवेदनशील भई नीतिगत व्यवस्था गर्नु जरुरी छ। विशेष त यस्ता सिमान्तिकृत समुदाय र उनीहरुका सीप कला-कौशललाई संरक्षण गरिनु जरुरी छ।

अहिले मूलत देशले सन् २०२२ सम्म विकासील मुलुकमा स्तरोन्ती हुने र सन् २०३० सम्म मध्यम आयस्तर देशमा स्तरोन्नती हुने तथा दीगो विकास लक्ष्य पूरा गर्ने कार्य भै आफ्नो स्रोत साधन र ध्येय केन्द्रित गरेको छ । सोही अनुसार सबै प्रदेश र स्थानीय तहले पनि आ-आफ्ना कार्यहरु यही राष्ट्रिय लक्ष्य तर्फ नै उन्मूख गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ जुन समृद्धीका मूल आधार पनि हुन । त्यसको लागि सबै तहका सरकारले अनुत्पादक आलंकारीक निकाय खडा गर्ने तथा उत्सवजन्य कार्यक्रममा रमाउने भन्दा पनि उद्यमशील सरकारको रुपमा चुस्त प्रणाली विकास गरी जिम्मेवार लगानीका ध्यान दिन जरुरी छ ।

कुनै पनि राज्यका आधारभूत अवयबहरुको विश्लेषणवाट देश विकासको अवस्था निर्धारण हुन्छ। राज्यका आधारभूत अवयबहरु भन्दा वित्तिकै नागरिक, सरकार र वजार भन्ने वुझिन्छ। यी अवयबहरुको शासकीय तथा व्यवस्थापकीय क्षमतामा नै कुनै पनि देशको विकास र समृध्दी भर पर्दछ। संभाव्य क्षमता दविएको अवस्थामा रहेको छ भने अमरत्य सेनले त्यसलाई दमित क्षमता (Capability Deprivation) भनेका छन्। हामी कहा राज्यका उपरोक्त अवयबहरुमा प्रशस्त संम्भावनाहरु भएता पनि त्यसको शासकीय तथा व्यवस्थापकीय क्षमता दमित अवस्थामा रहेको छ। संघीयताले यसलाई उजागर गर्छ भन्ने अपेक्षा थियो तर संघीयताको अभ्यास गरेको यो कार्यकालमा पनि खासै सुधार हुन सकेको देखिएन। मूलतः मुलुकको शासन संचालनमा देखिएको शासकीय शैली र श्रोत परिचालनमा देखिएको व्यवस्थापकीय क्षमताको दमित अवस्थाले नेपालको विकास र समृध्दीलाई अवरुद्ध गरेको छ।

केही समयमा नेपाल राष्ट्र बैंकबाट मौद्रिक नीति जारी हुन्छ। वित्तिय सेवा प्रदायकहरुको लागि यो नीति अति नै महत्वपूर्ण हुन्छ किनकि वित्तिय क्षेत्र संचालनका आधारमुत नीति यसमा उल्लेख गरिएको हुन्छ। तसर्थ कोरोना कहरको सबै भन्दा बढी प्रभाव परेको क्षेत्र लघुवित्तलाई मौद्रिक नीतिले विशेष संवोधन हुने नै छ भन्ने अपेक्षा गरिएको छ। मुलभुत रुपमा वित्तिय पहुच बढाउनु त छदैछ कोभिड-१९ बाट प्रभावित ससाना उध्यमी व्यवसायी वा स्वरोजगारहरुको जिविकोपार्जन पुनरोत्थान गर्न आवश्यक नीतिगत उपकरण अब जारी हुने मौद्रिक नीतिको मूल विषय बन्नु पर्छ। यो अवस्थामा ग्राहक सदस्यहरुको किस्ता तिर्न सक्ने क्षमतामा भारी ह्रास भएकोले यो पटक निस्कृय कर्जाको हिस्साले तोकिएको सीमा नाध्छ। यसलाई संवोधन गर्न नीतिगत लचकता आवश्यक छ। प्रतेक राष्ट्रिय लघुवित्त सम्मेलनको घोषणापत्र मार्फत अनुरोध गरिएता पनि नेपाल सरकारबाट २०६४ सालमा जारी गरिएको राष्ट्रिय लघुवित्त नीतिका मूलभूत कुराहरु हालसम्म कार्यान्वनमा ल्याइएको छैन। त्यस मध्येको एक हो राष्ट्रिय लघुवित्त कोषको स्थापना। लगानियोग्य कोषको अभावमा न त वित्तिय पहुच बढाउन सकिन्छ न त व्यवसाय पुनरोत्थानका लागि थप कर्जा उपलव्ध गराउन नै सकिन्छ। तसर्थ यो पटक यस्तो कोषको व्यवस्था हुनु अति जरुरी छ।

आज अन्तिम दिन, त्यसैले यो कोठाको अझ बढी माया लागेको छ। हुन त आज दिउसै विदावारी भईसकेको हो तथापी प्रविधिक रुपले आज १२ बजे राति देखि निबृत्त भई एक साधारण नागरिकको रुपमा रुपान्तरण हुने दिन, अर्थात भूई मान्छेकै सामिप्यमा पुग्ने दिन जहाबाट म उठेको थिए। ३४ बर्ष लामो आरोह अवरोहका बावजुद उक्लिएको निजामति सेवाको यो अन्तिम खुट्किलोबाट निबृत्त भएको दिन। सहजै हासिल गरेको कुरामा त्यति भावानात्मक लगाव हुदोरहेनछ तर संघर्षपूर्ण तरिकाले हासिल गरेको कुरा प्रति भावानात्मक लगाव अलि बढि नै हुदोरहेछ। त्यसैले पनि जीवनको सबै भन्दा उर्जाशील अवधी संघर्षपूर्ण तरिकाले विताएको हुदा यो जागिर प्रति भावानात्मक लगाव अलि वढी नै रह्यो, सबैलाई यस्तै हुन्छहोला। हुन त यति लामो अवधीमा थुप्रै खुसि र रमाइला दिन गुजारियो तर यो बेला दुख र पीडादायक स्मरणहरु नै मानसपटलमा सलवलाउदा रहेछन।

शासकीय संयन्त्रमा विविधताको समिश्रण ने प्रजातंत्र तथा सुशासनको महत्वपूर्ण विशेषता हो। राज्यका संयन्त्रमा कुनै एउटा जाति विशेषको प्रभावले तानाशाही सत्ताको मात्र स्थापना गर्दैन यसले राज्यका श्रोतको एकलौटी दोहनको साम्राज्यनै खडा गर्दछ। यसै कारणले अहिले विश्व भरी नै सामाजिक समाबेशीकरणको सवाल उच्च प्रार्थमिकतामा रही आएको छ। सामाजिक समाबेशीकरण समाजका प्रतेक व्यक्ति विषेश गरी विभेद, वहिष्करण वा असमाबेशीमा परेकाहरुको पहिचान, प्रतिनिधित्व र पहुचलाई सुनिश्चित गरी समाजमा समान हैसियत र सम्मानका साथ जीवन गुजार्न सक्ने वातावरण बनाउने एउटा प्रभावकारी अस्त्र हो।
बुझ्नु पर्ने कुरा के हो भने सारभूत समाबेशीकरण बिना न त मुलुकले लक्षित गरेको दूरदृष्टी हासिल गर्न सक्छ न त संविधानले निर्देश गरेको समाजवाद उन्मुख अर्थतंत्र नै। यी लक्ष्य हासिल गर्न राज्यको समाबेशी चरित्र निर्माण अपरिहार्य छ। तर राज्यको यही प्रणाली र शासकीय शैलीबाट यो हासिल गर्न सकिने देखिदैन। यसको लागि दक्षिण अफ्रिकामा जस्तो अग्रगामी छलाङको नीतिगत व्यवस्था र सो को इमान्दार कार्यान्वयनको खाचो छ।

कोरोना संक्रमणको महामारीको असर नपरेको क्षेत्र र स्थान कुनै छैन। यसको ठूलो प्रभाव रोजगारी र आपूर्ति श्रृंखलामा परेको छ। विश्व श्रम संगठनको पछिल्लो (पाचौ संस्करण) अनुसार विश्व श्रम बजारमा मार्च पछि अधिकांश मुलुक बन्दाबन्दीको अवस्थामा रहदा करिव ९३ प्रतिशत कार्यस्थल बन्द रहेको र कार्यघण्टाको क्षति बढेर १४ प्रतिशत पुगेको आकलन गरिएको छ जुन  विश्वमा ४० करोड बराबरको पूर्णरोजगारी गुमे बराबर हो। दक्षीण एशियामा कार्यघण्टाको क्षति बढेर १७.९ प्रतिशत पुगेको छ जुन ११ करोड रोजगारी गुमे सरह हो।
हाम्रो मुलुकमा पनि बन्दाबन्दीका कारणले धेरैले रोजगारी गुमाउनु परेको छ। पर्यटन तथा होटल, निर्माण तथा उत्पादन, ढुवानी तथा यातायात, मनोरंजन जस्ता क्षेत्रहरु त लामो समयसम्म थला पर्ने देखिन्छ। एका तिर देश भित्रैको रोजगार गुमेको छ भने बैदेशिक रोजगारीबाट फर्किनेको संख्याले यो दवाव थेगी नसक्ने भएकोछ। त्यसो त भारत, बंगलादेश, चिन लगायतका मुलुकबाट आएर यहा काम गर्नेहरु फर्किएका छन। यसले रोजगारीका केही क्षेत्र खालि पनि भएका छन। विशेषत रोजगार सृजनाका लागि तीनवटा क्षेत्रहरु महत्वपूर्ण छन; सार्वजनिक, निजी र सामुदयिक। यी मध्य यस्तो महामारीमा सरकार नै बढी सक्रिय भई सार्वजनिक क्षेत्रलाई नै प्रभावकारी बनाउनु पर्दछ।

बालबालिकाको इच्छा विरूध्द काममा लगाउनु पनि बालश्रम हो । १८ वर्षमुनिका बालबालिकाले उनीहरूको शारीरिक, बौद्धिक, नैतिक तथा सामाजिक विकासमा नकारात्मक प्रभाव पर्ने गरी तथा उनीहरूको शिक्षा प्राप्त गर्ने अधिकार कुण्ठित हुने गरी गरिने श्रम नै बालश्रम हो । पछिल्लो समयमा नेपालमा बालश्रमका विरूध्द तीब्र रूपमा जागरूकता आइरहेको छ । बालबालिकाको संरक्षण र विकासका लागि कार्यान्वयन गरिएका कानुनी व्यवस्था र सामाजिक नीतिहरूले त्यसमा सघाइरहेका छन् । स्वभाविक रूपमा बालश्रमको संख्या आर्थिक विपन्न मुलुकहरूमा बढी छ । अहिले कोरोना संक्रमणले यो संख्या झनै वढाएको छ। पर्याप्त सामाजिक सुरक्षा प्रणालीको अभावमा गरिविमा रहेका परिवारहरुसंगै ती परिवारमा रहेका बालबालिकाको जोखिम बढाएकोछ। 
नेपाल उच्च बालश्रम दर रहेको मुलुकमध्ये एक हो जहा हरेक तीन बालबालिकामध्ये एक बालबालिका श्रमिकको रूपमा बाँचिरहेका छन्।  कोरोना संक्रमणको संकटले यो संख्यामा भारी बृध्दी हुने देखिन्छ। सन् २०२५ सम्म सबै स्वरूपका बाल श्रमको अन्त्य गर्ने दिगो विकास लक्ष्यको उद्देश्य रहेकोछ। संयुक्त राष्ट्र संघले सन् २०२१ लाई बाल श्रम उन्मूलनका लागि अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय वर्ष घोषणा गरेको छ । बाल श्रममा कोभिड-१९ को प्रभावलाई न्युनतम गराई उनीहरुको बालापनको संरक्षणमा लाग्नु पर्छ।

कोविड १९ बाट हुने मृत्युको आंकडाले हरेक दिन सबैलाई त्रसाइरहेको छ। कहिलेकाँही त यो दिनको ७००० भन्दा माथि पुग्ने गरेकोछ। तर सारै कम व्यक्तिहरूलाई मात्र थाहा होला कि भोक आज पनि मृत्युको सब भन्दा ठूलो कारण हो। भोक र भोक सम्बन्धी रोगहरूका कारण प्रत्येक वर्ष एक करोड अर्थात प्रति दिन २५००० भन्दा बढी मानिस मर्ने गर्दछन। भारतमा मात्र प्रति वर्ष २५ लाख भन्दा बढी अर्थात प्रति दिन ७००० व्यक्तिहरु भोकका कारणले मर्ने गरेकाछन् । हरेक दस सेकेन्डमा एउटा बच्चा भोकले मर्दछ। आज पनि संसारमा ४० प्रतिशत जनसंख्या पानी र सरसफाइको पहुँचमा छैनन।
अब कोभिड १९ को महामारीले पक्कै पनि कुपोषित मानिसहरुको संख्या बढाउने छ। अक्सफामले हालै प्रकासित गरेको प्रतिवेदनमा कोरोनाले विश्वभर ५० करोड गरिब थपिने प्रक्षेपण गरेकोछ। डब्ल्यूएफपीको अनुमान अनुसार ३ करोड २० लाख स्कुले वालवालिका विध्यालय बन्द भएका कारणले दीवा खाजाबाट बन्चित छन। अन्तराष्ट्रिय श्रम संगठनका अनुसार लगभग २ अरब ७० करोड कामदारहरू पूर्ण वा आंशिक बन्दमा परेका छन। विशेष गरी कमजोर समुहहरू जस्तै महिला युवा तथा अनौपचारिक क्षेत्रमा काम गर्ने सामाजिक सुरक्षा र बेरोजगारी बिमामा पहुँच नभएकाहरुको लागि झनै गम्भीर हुने देखिन्छ। दैनिक मजदुरी गर्ने, सुकुम्बासी, अपांग, शरणार्थी र प्रवासी मजदुरहरू जस्ता अति गरिबहरूलाई यसले झनै संकटग्रस्त बनाएकोछ। कतिपय ठाउमा त द्वन्द्व पनि चलिरहेकोछ।
मानव जातिको विकास चरणमा उनीहरुले आफ्नो वरिपरि उपलव्ध खाने कुराको सेवनले उनीहरुमा सोही अनुसारको प्रतिरक्षा प्रणाली विकास भएको हुन्छ। तर नवउदार आर्थिक नीतिले स्थानीय खाध्य प्रणालीलाई क्षति पुर्‍यायो र खाना सर्वव्यापी बनायो जसले गर्दा प्रतिरक्षा प्रणाली कमजोर भयो। परिणामस्वरूप, जुनसुकै रोग विश्वव्यापी भैहाल्ने संभावना रहेको छ। त्यसकारण मानविय प्रतिरक्षा प्रणालीलाई पुनर्जीवित गर्ने, वातावरण संरक्षण गर्ने, सांस्कृतिक विविधतालाई सम्मान गर्ने र बहुलवादलाई पुरस्कृत गर्ने कुरालाई जोड दिई स्थानिय खाध्य प्रणालीको संरक्षण गर्ने गरी विश्वको अर्थव्यवस्थाको पुनर्संरचना गर्नु आवश्यक भएको छ।किसानहरुलाई खेतीयोग्य जमिन उपलव्ध हुने गरी भूमि सुधार र मूल्य श्रृंखलामा ध्यान केन्द्रित हुने गरी कृषि सुधार गर्न आवश्यक छ भने किसानहरुलाई पुँजीमा पहुँचको विशेष व्यवस्था हुनु जरुरी छ। यस्तो आर्थिक नीतिलाई "संरक्षित उदारबाद" वा राजनीतिक रूपमा "उदार समाजवाद" भनेर चिनिन्छ।

पृथ्वीमा असंतुलन भए पछि प्रकृतीले नै संतुलन कायम गर्छ भन्ने माल्थसको सत्रौ शताव्दी तिरको विचार अहिले पनि उत्तिकै सत्य छ भन्ने कुरा विश्व भर फैलिएको कोरोना महामारीले पुष्टी गरेको छ । अहिलेको विज्ञान प्रविधीको विकासले गर्दा पहिला जस्तो ठूलो संख्यामा मानविय क्षती हुन नदिई महामारीको प्रत्यक्ष प्रकोप त अवको दुई महिना भित्र सकिनेछ तर यसले विश्वलाई एउटा नया सवक सिकाएर जानेछ । विशेष गरी अहिलेको भौतिक युगमा यसले पार्ने आर्थिक संकट दूरगामी हुनेछ । जुन संरचनामा विश्वले आर्थिक वृध्दी गर्दै आएको थियो अव त्यो संरचनामा नै परिवर्तन हुने छ । कतिपय मुलुकहरुका लागि यसले थप अवसर पनि सृजना गर्ने छ । विशेषत यसले जनस्वस्थ्य र कार्य प्रणालीको क्षेत्रमा नयाँ प्रोटोकलहरु स्थापित गर्नेछ भने सो अनुरुपको नया प्रविधीको विकास पनि गर्नेछ । तथापी हालको प्रकोपले मात्र पृथ्वीमा पूर्ण संतुलन भने कायम हुन सक्ने छैन । तसर्थ विज्ञान र प्रविधीलाई प्रवर्धनात्मक नियन्त्रणमा उच्चतम प्रयोग भने निरन्तर गर्नु पर्ने हुन्छ। अन्यथा माल्थसले भने जस्तै प्राकृतिक नियन्त्रणका रुपमा नया नया प्रकोपहरु दोहोरिरहनेछन । विश्वले सिक्नु पर्ने मूल विषय नै यही हो।

अहिले विश्वका मानिसहरु दुई चिन्तामा विभक्त भएका छन; कोरोना भाइरसको संक्रमणबाट हुने रोग र रोकथामका लागि अपनाइएको बन्दाबन्दीका कारण सृजित भोक। विशेष गरी धनी वर्गमा पर्नेहरु रोगबाट बढी त्रसित छन किनकि भोकले उनीहरुलाई कहिलै छुदैन । तर तल्लो तप्काका मानिसहरुलाई रोगको त्यती चिन्ता छैन जति भोककोछ। बन्दाबन्दीका कारण खाने वस्ने स्थान नपाए पछि राजमार्गमा देखिने लस्करले त्यही देखाउछ। अहिले नै पनि विश्व भरी कोरोना संक्रमण रोकथामलाई जति जोड दिएर विश्व संगठनहरु र राज्यहरु लागेका छन भोक निवारणमा त्यती लागेको देखिदैन बरु वेवास्ता गरे जस्तो देखिन्छ। जवकि कोरोनाले भन्दा दैनिक तीन गुना बढी भोकले मान्छे मरिरहेका छन। यो संख्या यो बन्दाबन्दीमा झनै बढेको अनुमान गरिएकोछ।
नेपालको संदर्भमा विश्व खाध्य तथा कृषी संगठनको सन् २०१९ को प्रतिवेदन अनुसार करिव २५ लाख (८.७प्रतिशत) नेपालीहरु कुपोषित छन। विश्व भोक सुचकांकमा यो अझै पनि “संवेदनशील”(सुचकांक २०.८ ) अवस्थाको समुहमै परेकोछ। नेपालको आफ्नो तथ्यांक (नेपाल डेमोग्राफिक हेल्थ सर्भे २०१६)ले भने ४६ लाख जन्ता खाध्य अपर्याप्तताको चपेटामा रहेको जनाएकोछ जस मध्ये १० प्रतिशत घरपरिवार त चरम खाध्य संकटमा रहेका छन। त्यस्तै करिव १० लाख (३६ प्रतिशत) पाँच वर्ष मुनिका बालबालिकाहरु चरम कुपोषणमा छन। कर्णाली र सुदुर पश्चिमको पहाडी भेग त भोकका केन्द्र नै हुन। अब राज्यले बजारमा संरक्षणकारी हस्तक्षेपका माध्यमबाट संरक्षित उदारवाद (Protective Liberalism) अवलम्वन गरी मूक्तिकामी छलांग्(Emancipatory Shift) ल्याउनु जरुरीछ। यसले आधारभूत जनजीविकाको संरक्षण गरी राज्यलाई उदार समाजवाद(Liberal Socialism) तर्फ डोर्याउनेछ। यसको लागि राज्यले रणनितिक योजना बनाएर अघि बढ्नु पर्छ।

Nepal is a country of diversity with Dalits (13% of population) and indigenous people (35%) who have their own cultures, traditional knowledge, skills and occupations. In fact, around the world, these are the drivers of human civilizations over ages, inventing weapons, agricultural equipment, clothing, housing, health healing and even the community-ruling mechanisms. Certain occupations have specific ritual, ceremonial or spiritual dimensions or functions. 2 Sadly, in Nepal, many of these traditional skills and knowledge are under threat and disappearing. Despite Nepal being rich in traditional knowledge, skills and culture, no academic institutions exist to protect and promote such important knowledge, skills and culture as yet.